ABSTRACT
This research aims to identify typologies of companies willing to cooperate with universities to foster knowledge co-creation and ease knowledge transfer to students within courses, training, communities of practises, etc., regardless of the business sector they are active in. To implement the research scope, we rely on the qualitative comparative analysis method (QCA). Interactions between causal factors within the university–industry relations, and knowledge co-creation have been examined. The results obtained indicate two typologies. Type 1 includes companies oriented towards supporting interactions with universities based on education, research, student placements, training, and community services such as consultancy, and product development. These acknowledge both the necessity of creating platforms to establish more ties with universities and the importance of alumni connections to develop effective campus management. Type 2 includes companies that are not interested in understanding or supporting the mission of universities in society, not developing ties with universities, and generating only a superficial interaction, which hinders their involvement in the creation of knowledge with universities. From a managerial perspective, this paper highlights the relationship between universities and industry and how this could contribute to increased resilience for a society facing unexpected challenges, such as the global crisis related to COVID-19 and the present state of international political instability. © 2023 by the authors.
ABSTRACT
The rise of far-right movements has accelerated in the last decade as the effects of financial crisis, intersectional social injustice and the COVID pandemics which has led to a disillusionment with politics and fostered the rise of populist actors and claims. Post-communist Central and Eastern Europe has seen radical movements and populist parties gain considerable ground by drawing on nativist and ethnic claims to call for a return to an imagined past, free present and utopian future. In Romania, populist parties have been able to capitalize on a sense of social injustice, national conservative discourse, while also playing on historically negative feelings towards ethnic minorities. These patterns have been observed through the rise of AUR (The Alliance for the Union of Romanians) party which has established a foothold over the past two years. The aims of the article are to examine the evolution of AUR and the reaction of the Roma community towards it, and to analyse the ways in which the representatives of the Roma community are polarized towards the discourse of AUR. The findings of the article show that pre-existing prejudices, long-lasting injustice and newly build conspiracies can be a powerful force that not only targets marginalized communities, but also challenges the mainstream representatives of the party. The reaction of the Roma community is trifold, partly being absorbed by the populist movement, partly reacting against the divisive message expressed by AUR, partly approving the violent discourse of AUR. The second part of artide consists in the organization and the interpretation of the main results of a qualitative inquiry we conducted in October-November 2021. During the inquiry, we interviewed online 20 leaders of "Roma NGOs" (non-governmental organizations specialized in the defence of the human, social, economic, political and/ or cultural rights of the Romanian Roma ethnics). The selection of the respondents was based on the principle of reasonable balance in terms of gender, age, location and education as reported to the average Roma civically and politically active citizens. To each participant, we applied a semi-structured interview. For the analysis of the responses, we used the inductive thematic analysis described by Warren and Karner (2014). As a result of this inquiry, we synthesized three main arguments of the Roma NGO militants with regard to the AUR's emergence's consequences over the future of the Roma communities. Firstly, the Roma civil society representatives believe that AUR is a potential threat for the Roma communities, given the party's ideological lineage with the interwar fascist movements and regimes. Secondly, they believe that, as it is deeply Eurosceptic, AUR will affect Romania's European path, with negative repercussions on all the majority-minority relations. Thirdly, but on a contrary, the Roma NGO militants think that AUR has a socio-economic platform oriented towards more redistribution, which could be favourable to the disadvantaged and marginalized Roma communities.